2004

Paradigmatic Crisis in International Economic Governance: Explaining the Explosion of Protest ( 334Kb)

Abstract: Anti-globalisation protests and increasing dissonance internationally, including a host of new leftist leaders in Latin America and insider criticism are the signs of paradigmatic crisis for both neoliberalism and “free” trade agreements. This introductory essay seeks to demonstrate that such phenomena are not isolated events of passing unhappiness, but can be interpreted as part of a long-term shift, reflecting changes in the experience and opportunity structure of the young generation in the North. Ironically, the relative wealth and peace of the current generation sets up a relative expectations problem in light of declining economic prospects. Northern youth are the first generation to face potentially long-term declining income and job prospects in at least the last 2 centuries. While the system is in crisis, no new paradigm is yet apparent. Neither a global Keynesian state nor a breakdown of neoliberalism and free trade seem possible in the foreseeable future. This volume explores the nature of the crisis from a variety of angles that have not received adequate attention, but which signal long-term shifts in global economic governance.

Citation: Hira, A. 2004. ‘Paradigmatic Crisis in International Economic Governance: Explaining the Explosion of Protest.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 1-16.

Global Trade Politics and the Cycle of Dissent Post-Cancún ( 762Kb)

Abstract: This paper examines the realignment of forces that derailed the Cancún meeting to broaden and deepen the WTO’s world trade agenda held in September 2003, which according to conventional wisdom was supposed to be a done deal. The growing disjuncture between global cultural flows of people and ideas, and the rules and practices of globalisation has created a highly unstable environment with many opportunities but at the same time significant political costs. Regardless of what the EU and US may admit in public, at Cancún global dissent counterpublics acquired visible agendasetting power. The growth in influence of the “nixers” and “fixers” has contributed to a tectonic shift in the international economy that has immediate and far-reaching consequences for destabilizing globalisation and its narrow economic agenda.

The second argument is that global cultural flows of ideas, texts and wealth have deepened the global environment of dissent at the WTO. Many of these flows are the consequence of free trade itself. They have accelerated as economic barriers have fallen facilitating the movement of ideas, people and texts driven by new technologies and the appetite for mass culture. Increased trade has increased cultural interaction globally. When these global cultural flows function as catalysts for change, they become both a conduit and channel to set new agendas and, it is this agendasetting capacity that challenges state authority globally no less locally. So far there is no single over-riding vision that addresses the collective problem of diversity at the global level. Nonetheless, the global dissent movement intends to have a prominent role in defining public culture and in shaping it in inherently democratic ways.

Citation: Drache, D. 2004. ‘Global Trade Politics and the Cycle of Dissent Post-Cancún.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 17-44.

Global Subsidiarity and the WTO: An Analysis using Dworkin’s Conception of Democracy ( 348Kb)

Abstract: Ronald Dworkin argues that democratic government means government subject to “democratic conditions”. The first type of condition is structural and these conditions set out the character that a community as a whole must have if it is to be a genuine political community. The second type is relational and these conditions describe how a person must be treated if she is to be considered a genuine moral member of the community.

These conditions establish a framework that can be used to examine arguments that the WTO suffers from a democratic deficit as well as different arguments for democratic reform of the WTO. Using the democratic conditions, it is argued that a number of the more common allegations of democratic deficit are legitimate, and that instituting the Global Subsidiarity Model will go a long way to reforming the WTO.

Citation: Schofield, M. 2004. ‘Global Subsidiarity and the WTO: An Analysis using Dworkin’s Conception of Democracy.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 45-67.

Financial Governance and the Public Sphere: Towards a Global Modality of Governance? ( 275Kb)

Abstract: Recent efforts to reform the international financial architecture have focused attention on the way in which decision-making occurs within an increasingly globalised structure of financial governance. I explore an important development within this structure: the emergence of what may be identified as a global financial public sphere. This article considers the formation and foundation of the global financial public sphere, and discusses its relationship to the globalised structure of financial governance. The argument of the paper is that a strengthened public sphere is both an increasingly significant attribute of financial governance and a welcome development, but one that is not yet fully consolidated.

Citation: Germain, R. D. 2004. ‘Financial Governance and the Public Sphere: Towards a Global Modality of Governance?’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 68-90.

BITing Back: Bilateral Investment Treaties and the Struggle to Define an Investment Regime for the Americas ( 352Kb)

Abstract: This paper examines the consequences of the breakdown of talks on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and the generalized shift from multilateralism to bilateralism in the Americas for the region’s emerging foreign investment regime. The paper argues that multilateral processes have historically benefited Latin American countries when their interests have diverged from those of the US. In terms of investment, the foreign investment regime advanced by the United States (in bilateral investment treaties) differs significantly from that advanced by subregional powers such as Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, particularly regarding investment rules on national treatment and performance requirements. This suggests that, in the absence of multilateral negotiations, US norms on investment and development will progressively define the emerging hemispheric investment regime.

Citation: Haslam, P.A. 2004. ‘BITing Back: Bilateral Investment Treaties and the Struggle to Define an Investment Regime for the Americas.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 91-112.

The Role of the Provinces in Canadian Foreign Trade Policy: Multi-Level Governance and Sub-National Interests in the Twenty-First Century ( 303Kb)

Abstract: Canada has a history of supporting the evolution of trade related multi-level governance structures. In the post-war period these commitments had limited implications for domestic policy space. Over time, however, these governance frameworks began to increasingly focus on areas of provincial jurisdiction. This paper argues that these developments have empowered a range of traditional and non-traditional actors within Canadian provinces. On an institutional basis, this includes engagement by provincial executives, bureaucratic interests, and emerging consultative structures within Canadian federalism. Sectoral interests have also responded by pressuring provincial governments to adopt specific policy positions. In addition, neo-liberal ideational factors are significant although some provincial governments have at times challenged this ideological consistency. Societal considerations, on the other hand, have the least impact provincially. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish between national and sub-national interests when evaluating Canada’s foreign trade policy. In the case of Canadian provinces it is clear that institutional, sectoral, and ideational factors are most prominent.

Citation: Kukucha, C. J. 2004. ‘The Role of the Provinces in Canadian Foreign Trade Policy: Multi-Level Governance and Sub-National Interests in the Twenty-First Century.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 113-134.

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		2004 Paradigmatic Crisis in International Economic Governance: Explaining the Explosion of Protest ( 334Kb) Abstract: Anti-globalisation protests and increasing dissonance internationally, including a host of new leftist leaders in Latin America and insider criticism are the signs of paradigmatic crisis for both neoliberalism and “free” trade agreements. This introductory essay seeks to demonstrate that such phenomena are not isolated events of passing unhappiness, but can be interpreted as part of a long-term shift, reflecting changes in the experience and opportunity structure of the young generation in the North. Ironically, the relative wealth and peace of the current generation sets up a relative expectations problem in light of declining economic prospects. Northern youth are the first generation to face potentially long-term declining income and job prospects in at least the last 2 centuries. While the system is in crisis, no new paradigm is yet apparent. Neither a global Keynesian state nor a breakdown of neoliberalism and free trade seem possible in the foreseeable future. This volume explores the nature of the crisis from a variety of angles that have not received adequate attention, but which signal long-term shifts in global economic governance. Citation: Hira, A. 2004. ‘Paradigmatic Crisis in International Economic Governance: Explaining the Explosion of Protest.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 1-16. Global Trade Politics and the Cycle of Dissent Post-Cancún ( 762Kb) Abstract: This paper examines the realignment of forces that derailed the Cancún meeting to broaden and deepen the WTO’s world trade agenda held in September 2003, which according to conventional wisdom was supposed to be a done deal. The growing disjuncture between global cultural flows of people and ideas, and the rules and practices of globalisation has created a highly unstable environment with many opportunities but at the same time significant political costs. Regardless of what the EU and US may admit in public, at Cancún global dissent counterpublics acquired visible agendasetting power. The growth in influence of the “nixers” and “fixers” has contributed to a tectonic shift in the international economy that has immediate and far-reaching consequences for destabilizing globalisation and its narrow economic agenda. The second argument is that global cultural flows of ideas, texts and wealth have deepened the global environment of dissent at the WTO. Many of these flows are the consequence of free trade itself. They have accelerated as economic barriers have fallen facilitating the movement of ideas, people and texts driven by new technologies and the appetite for mass culture. Increased trade has increased cultural interaction globally. When these global cultural flows function as catalysts for change, they become both a conduit and channel to set new agendas and, it is this agendasetting capacity that challenges state authority globally no less locally. So far there is no single over-riding vision that addresses the collective problem of diversity at the global level. Nonetheless, the global dissent movement intends to have a prominent role in defining public culture and in shaping it in inherently democratic ways. Citation: Drache, D. 2004. ‘Global Trade Politics and the Cycle of Dissent Post-Cancún.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 17-44. Global Subsidiarity and the WTO: An Analysis using Dworkin’s Conception of Democracy ( 348Kb) Abstract: Ronald Dworkin argues that democratic government means government subject to “democratic conditions”. The first type of condition is structural and these conditions set out the character that a community as a whole must have if it is to be a genuine political community. The second type is relational and these conditions describe how a person must be treated if she is to be considered a genuine moral member of the community. These conditions establish a framework that can be used to examine arguments that the WTO suffers from a democratic deficit as well as different arguments for democratic reform of the WTO. Using the democratic conditions, it is argued that a number of the more common allegations of democratic deficit are legitimate, and that instituting the Global Subsidiarity Model will go a long way to reforming the WTO. Citation: Schofield, M. 2004. ‘Global Subsidiarity and the WTO: An Analysis using Dworkin’s Conception of Democracy.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 45-67. Financial Governance and the Public Sphere: Towards a Global Modality of Governance? ( 275Kb) Abstract: Recent efforts to reform the international financial architecture have focused attention on the way in which decision-making occurs within an increasingly globalised structure of financial governance. I explore an important development within this structure: the emergence of what may be identified as a global financial public sphere. This article considers the formation and foundation of the global financial public sphere, and discusses its relationship to the globalised structure of financial governance. The argument of the paper is that a strengthened public sphere is both an increasingly significant attribute of financial governance and a welcome development, but one that is not yet fully consolidated. Citation: Germain, R. D. 2004. ‘Financial Governance and the Public Sphere: Towards a Global Modality of Governance?’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 68-90. BITing Back: Bilateral Investment Treaties and the Struggle to Define an Investment Regime for the Americas ( 352Kb) Abstract: This paper examines the consequences of the breakdown of talks on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and the generalized shift from multilateralism to bilateralism in the Americas for the region’s emerging foreign investment regime. The paper argues that multilateral processes have historically benefited Latin American countries when their interests have diverged from those of the US. In terms of investment, the foreign investment regime advanced by the United States (in bilateral investment treaties) differs significantly from that advanced by subregional powers such as Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, particularly regarding investment rules on national treatment and performance requirements. This suggests that, in the absence of multilateral negotiations, US norms on investment and development will progressively define the emerging hemispheric investment regime. Citation: Haslam, P.A. 2004. ‘BITing Back: Bilateral Investment Treaties and the Struggle to Define an Investment Regime for the Americas.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 91-112. The Role of the Provinces in Canadian Foreign Trade Policy: Multi-Level Governance and Sub-National Interests in the Twenty-First Century ( 303Kb) Abstract: Canada has a history of supporting the evolution of trade related multi-level governance structures. In the post-war period these commitments had limited implications for domestic policy space. Over time, however, these governance frameworks began to increasingly focus on areas of provincial jurisdiction. This paper argues that these developments have empowered a range of traditional and non-traditional actors within Canadian provinces. On an institutional basis, this includes engagement by provincial executives, bureaucratic interests, and emerging consultative structures within Canadian federalism. Sectoral interests have also responded by pressuring provincial governments to adopt specific policy positions. In addition, neo-liberal ideational factors are significant although some provincial governments have at times challenged this ideological consistency. Societal considerations, on the other hand, have the least impact provincially. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish between national and sub-national interests when evaluating Canada’s foreign trade policy. In the case of Canadian provinces it is clear that institutional, sectoral, and ideational factors are most prominent. Citation: Kukucha, C. J. 2004. ‘The Role of the Provinces in Canadian Foreign Trade Policy: Multi-Level Governance and Sub-National Interests in the Twenty-First Century.’ Policy and Society 24 (3): 113-134.

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