2003

Women, Gender and International Institutions: Exploring New Opportunities at the International Criminal Court ( 176Kb)
Louise Chappell

Abstract: Traditionally women have been constructed in very limited terms under international law. They have been defined through their relationships with either men or with children. Moreover, the types of crimes experienced by women in times of armed conflict, including rape and other forms of sexual violence, have been categorised as less egregious than those experienced by men. In recent years feminists have sought to challenge the existing definition of women, drawing attention to the serious nature of gender-based crimes. They have done this through their engagement with new international institutions including the UN ad hoc tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the development of the statute for the International Criminal Court (ICC). Through their efforts they have made some significant advances in bringing to light the complex, diverse and unique aspects of women’s lives previously ignored in international criminal and humanitarian law. Although there is still much to be done, feminist activists have demonstrated that the law and its influence are not fixed but dynamic and open to change.

Citation: Chappell, L. 2003. ‘Women, Gender and International Institutions: Exploring New Opportunities at the International Criminal Court.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 3-25.

W(h)ither Women’s Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia ( 177Kb)
Katherine Teghtsoonian

Abstract: In this article I provide an account of the elimination of Women’s Equality as a free-standing ministry in the government of the Canadian province of British Columbia and its reconfiguration as Women's Services and Social Programs, one of several organizational elements in the newly-created Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women’s Services. I also present an analysis of a number of policy developments with particular significance for women that have accompanied this institutional transformation. In my discussion I argue that while many of these policy directions date from the arrival in office of the current provincial Liberal government, others did not emerge de novo after the 2001 election. Rather, they originated while the left-of-centre New Democratic Party (NDP) formed the government provincially during the 1990s. I assess the relative contributions of ideology and institutional structure to the policy changes that are detailed in the article, and conclude that the relationships between ideology, institutions and policy can best be understood as complex and recursive.

Citation: Teghtsoonian, K. 2003. ‘W(h)ither Women’s Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 26-47.

Women and Proportional Representation in Australia and New Zealand ( 210Kb)
Jennifer Curtin

Abstract: This article examines the recent impact of proportional representation on women’s parliamentary presence in four Australasian political systems: New Zealand, the Australian Senate, the lower house in the state of Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory’s (ACT) Legislative Assembly. The question asked is: Why have women not achieved an equal presence in these parliaments, given the presence of proportional electoral systems? While it is evident that there is now a critical mass of women standing as candidates in all four constituencies, in only four of the 12 elections reviewed here, has the proportion of women elected reflected the proportion of women candidates. Moreover, women have yet to constitute more than 35 percent elected to these legislatures. Overall, the representation of women in these four systems seems to have stagnated, suggesting that proportional representation should be seen as only part of the solution to the under-representation of women. In 1965 women constituted 8.1 per cent of members of parliament globally. By 2002 this figure had increased to 14.3 per cent – minimal progress by any count. Four decades on, the ideal of gender parity in politics remains just that, an ideal that is still a long way removed from reality (IDEA 2002, 3).

Citation: Curtin, J. 2003. ‘Women and Proportional Representation in Australia and New Zealand.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 48-68.

The Political Gender Gap: Australia, Britain and the United States ( 204Kb)
Lisa Hill

Abstract: This article explores gender differences in voting habits and explores the question of whether it is possible to speak of a distinctive women’s perspective when it comes to elections. Drawing on a wide body of existing data, the discussion focuses on the “gender gap” in three settings: Britain, Australia and the United States. It canvasses competing explanations of political gender differences and seeks to account for the similarities between the British and Australian cases and their differences with the American. A key puzzle is this: Why was America’s “traditional” (that is, conservative) gender gap superseded so readily by a “modern” (that is, liberal) gender gap while Australia and Britain’s traditional gender gap retained its resilience? Future prospects for the gender gap in each case are also considered.

Citation: Hill, L. 2003. ‘The Political Gender Gap: Australia, Britain and the United States.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 69-96.

Gender, Mainstreaming and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights ( 174Kb)
Roberta Guerrina

Abstract: This article explores the impact of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights on the position of women in the EU. The context of the paper is current debates about women’s rights and constitutionalism in Europe. The discussion outlines the development of EU women’s rights, the introduction and development of Union citizenship within the Treaties and the launch of the Charter at the Nice Summit. The paper thus explores the position of equality and women’s rights in the Charter, with particular emphasis on the Commission and Treaties’ commitments to mainstreaming. The paper concludes with an evaluation of the power of mainstreaming as a theory and political strategy for the pursuit of substantive equality within the EU.

Citation: Guerrina, R. 2003. ‘Gender, Mainstreaming and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 97-115.

Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom ( 175Kb)
Elizabeth van Acker

Abstract: Senior women politicians are a novelty, receiving enormous media attention. They have had to deal with high expectations in the media and other political institutions such as Parliament. This essay examines media portrayals of women politicians in Australia and New Zealand. It argues that the media embrace women quickly and fully early in their careers, but attack them very fiercely when things go wrong. The media creates elevated hopes around them when they enter the political arena. Initially, these women can do no wrong as the media raises them on a pedestal. Those who cannot meet the high expectations, however, fall from the pedestal and are often attacked or trivialised. A more recent development, particularly by the Australian media, shapes women into stars, promoting them as personalities. The women themselves may encourage or welcome the celebrity tag. The minute they make mistakes, however, they are judged harshly. I argue that media representations of women’s political styles illustrate perceptions about politics that continue to reflect entrenched gender norms. One-dimensional media portrayals do little to challenge these norms. Setting up false distinctions of femininity and masculinity contributes little to pushing women’s interests on to the political agenda.

Citation: van Acker, E. 2003. ‘Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 116-136.

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		2003 Women, Gender and International Institutions: Exploring New Opportunities at the International Criminal Court ( 176Kb) Louise Chappell Abstract: Traditionally women have been constructed in very limited terms under international law. They have been defined through their relationships with either men or with children. Moreover, the types of crimes experienced by women in times of armed conflict, including rape and other forms of sexual violence, have been categorised as less egregious than those experienced by men. In recent years feminists have sought to challenge the existing definition of women, drawing attention to the serious nature of gender-based crimes. They have done this through their engagement with new international institutions including the UN ad hoc tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the development of the statute for the International Criminal Court (ICC). Through their efforts they have made some significant advances in bringing to light the complex, diverse and unique aspects of women’s lives previously ignored in international criminal and humanitarian law. Although there is still much to be done, feminist activists have demonstrated that the law and its influence are not fixed but dynamic and open to change. Citation: Chappell, L. 2003. ‘Women, Gender and International Institutions: Exploring New Opportunities at the International Criminal Court.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 3-25. W(h)ither Women’s Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia ( 177Kb) Katherine Teghtsoonian Abstract: In this article I provide an account of the elimination of Women’s Equality as a free-standing ministry in the government of the Canadian province of British Columbia and its reconfiguration as Women's Services and Social Programs, one of several organizational elements in the newly-created Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women’s Services. I also present an analysis of a number of policy developments with particular significance for women that have accompanied this institutional transformation. In my discussion I argue that while many of these policy directions date from the arrival in office of the current provincial Liberal government, others did not emerge de novo after the 2001 election. Rather, they originated while the left-of-centre New Democratic Party (NDP) formed the government provincially during the 1990s. I assess the relative contributions of ideology and institutional structure to the policy changes that are detailed in the article, and conclude that the relationships between ideology, institutions and policy can best be understood as complex and recursive. Citation: Teghtsoonian, K. 2003. ‘W(h)ither Women’s Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 26-47. Women and Proportional Representation in Australia and New Zealand ( 210Kb) Jennifer Curtin Abstract: This article examines the recent impact of proportional representation on women’s parliamentary presence in four Australasian political systems: New Zealand, the Australian Senate, the lower house in the state of Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory’s (ACT) Legislative Assembly. The question asked is: Why have women not achieved an equal presence in these parliaments, given the presence of proportional electoral systems? While it is evident that there is now a critical mass of women standing as candidates in all four constituencies, in only four of the 12 elections reviewed here, has the proportion of women elected reflected the proportion of women candidates. Moreover, women have yet to constitute more than 35 percent elected to these legislatures. Overall, the representation of women in these four systems seems to have stagnated, suggesting that proportional representation should be seen as only part of the solution to the under-representation of women. In 1965 women constituted 8.1 per cent of members of parliament globally. By 2002 this figure had increased to 14.3 per cent – minimal progress by any count. Four decades on, the ideal of gender parity in politics remains just that, an ideal that is still a long way removed from reality (IDEA 2002, 3). Citation: Curtin, J. 2003. ‘Women and Proportional Representation in Australia and New Zealand.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 48-68. The Political Gender Gap: Australia, Britain and the United States ( 204Kb) Lisa Hill Abstract: This article explores gender differences in voting habits and explores the question of whether it is possible to speak of a distinctive women’s perspective when it comes to elections. Drawing on a wide body of existing data, the discussion focuses on the “gender gap” in three settings: Britain, Australia and the United States. It canvasses competing explanations of political gender differences and seeks to account for the similarities between the British and Australian cases and their differences with the American. A key puzzle is this: Why was America’s “traditional” (that is, conservative) gender gap superseded so readily by a “modern” (that is, liberal) gender gap while Australia and Britain’s traditional gender gap retained its resilience? Future prospects for the gender gap in each case are also considered. Citation: Hill, L. 2003. ‘The Political Gender Gap: Australia, Britain and the United States.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 69-96. Gender, Mainstreaming and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights ( 174Kb) Roberta Guerrina Abstract: This article explores the impact of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights on the position of women in the EU. The context of the paper is current debates about women’s rights and constitutionalism in Europe. The discussion outlines the development of EU women’s rights, the introduction and development of Union citizenship within the Treaties and the launch of the Charter at the Nice Summit. The paper thus explores the position of equality and women’s rights in the Charter, with particular emphasis on the Commission and Treaties’ commitments to mainstreaming. The paper concludes with an evaluation of the power of mainstreaming as a theory and political strategy for the pursuit of substantive equality within the EU. Citation: Guerrina, R. 2003. ‘Gender, Mainstreaming and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 97-115. Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom ( 175Kb) Elizabeth van Acker Abstract: Senior women politicians are a novelty, receiving enormous media attention. They have had to deal with high expectations in the media and other political institutions such as Parliament. This essay examines media portrayals of women politicians in Australia and New Zealand. It argues that the media embrace women quickly and fully early in their careers, but attack them very fiercely when things go wrong. The media creates elevated hopes around them when they enter the political arena. Initially, these women can do no wrong as the media raises them on a pedestal. Those who cannot meet the high expectations, however, fall from the pedestal and are often attacked or trivialised. A more recent development, particularly by the Australian media, shapes women into stars, promoting them as personalities. The women themselves may encourage or welcome the celebrity tag. The minute they make mistakes, however, they are judged harshly. I argue that media representations of women’s political styles illustrate perceptions about politics that continue to reflect entrenched gender norms. One-dimensional media portrayals do little to challenge these norms. Setting up false distinctions of femininity and masculinity contributes little to pushing women’s interests on to the political agenda. Citation: van Acker, E. 2003. ‘Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom.’ Policy and Society 22 (1): 116-136.

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